Introduction

About 50 years ago, Maltese women voted for the first time in the general elections. They could also contest to be elected in parliament. Although, at the time, there was some opposition for women to have these rights, they eventually succeeded in achieving another fundamental right of a democratic country.

Historical Background (1945-1947)

After the Second World War, the Maltese could expect that after the plight they suffered because of the war, the British would grant them a new constitution, and thus restoring responsible government. However, the British had their interests to safeguard, since Malta was a fortress with strategic importance.

In July 1943, the Colonial Secretary declared that responsible government would be restored, on the same sphere of 1921, whilst the Maltese will be consulted about this new constitution. In this respect, the Elected Members of the Council of Government sent circulars to all constituted bodies recognised by the Government, to send two delegates to a Congress which would convene a National Assembly. Its purpose would be to draft a new Constitution for Malta.

The National Assembly

The National Assembly met on 20 January 1945. It was well received by many, although it was often also criticised. Pirotta argues that the Assembly was to be above politics because its job was to draft a Constitution, which was to be passed on to the British Government. However, everyone was aware that a new constitution meant general elections, and thus, it was difficult, rather impossible, to keep politics out. Hence, the Assembly was used as a tool for the aspirations of political movements; those that already existed and those which were emerging. All wanted to safeguard their interests.
The Political Parties

At this time, the Constitutional Party was facing a lot of difficulties, especially after the death of its founder, Lord Strickland. The Nationalist Party (P.N.) was also in a difficult period, especially because its leader, Dr. Enrico Mizzi had been deported to Uganda. When he was repatriated in March 1945, many of the P.N.'s former supporters had distanced themselves, and later joined the Democratic Action Party (D.A.P), formed in March 1947.

On the other hand, the Malta Labour Party (M.L.P.) succeeded in re-organising itself, especially due to the help of the General Workers Union (G.W.U.). In fact, the main objectives of these two movements, at this time, were very similar. Thus, they formed the Labour Front (L.F.) to co-ordinate their efforts.

The Role of Women in the National Assembly

Although the L.F. delegates were in favour of giving women the vote, women did not even have any representatives in the Assembly. The Women of Malta Association had written to the Congress and asked to be allowed delegates but the Congress decided that the Assembly should decide on the matter. After heated discussions, the Assembly accepted two female delegates during its 4th sitting (16 March 1945). These were Mrs. J. Burns Debono and Miss Helen Buhagiar. Miss Mabel Strickland was also admitted as the representative of the Times of Malta. Opposition to women representation came from the Church, in the Church's paper Lehen is-Sewwa, "on the grounds that they did not represent anyone except a few women whose heads were filled with these blessed 'equal rights'." (Lehen is-Sewwa, 21 February 1945, as quoted in Pirotta).

In the sitting of 20th July, Dr. Boffa presented his motion that each male and female, from the age of 18 should have the vote. Up till now, only some of the males, over 21 years, could vote. The motion was taken in three stages:

abolition of plural voting - passed

vote for males over 18 - amended to votes for males over 21

vote for females over 18 - again age was amended to 21 years, but this third stage was practically

reduced to whether women should get the vote or not.

The right to vote was agreed to after strong debates in which Miss Helen Buhagiar took active part. Again, the clergy objected. They feared that this would change the Maltese women's sheltered way of life. The P.N. tried unsuccessfully to postpone the issue since it thought, "it was not advisable to impose upon the female masses the responsibility which the majority would not, perhaps, be prepared to assume." (words expressed in a letter by Mizzi in 1947, to the Colonial Secretary).

Eventually, however, the Assembly agreed to give women the right to vote, on the same terms as men. The vote passed by 145 against 137. The next step was the right for women to contest elections to Parliament. This was achieved later, in November, following a motion by Mrs. J. Burns Debono and Miss Helen Buhagiar.

The MacMichael Constitution

Meanwhile, on 25 October 1945, the British Prime Minister, Mr. Atlee, announced that the British Government had the intention to appoint a Commissioner to visit Malta to discuss and formulate detailed proposals regarding the new constitution. For this purpose, Sir Harold MacMichael, the Constitutional Commissioner arrived in May 1946. Although he assured the National Assembly that it would be informed about the final draft of the Constitution before it was promulgated, he warned that responsible government was understood by the British as being similar to that of 1921, because of Imperial interests.

The new constitution, known as the MacMichael Constitution, was promulgated by Letters Patent issued on 5 September 1947. It was similar to the 1921 constitution, but with some important changes. It was diarchical in nature, but Police, the Judiciary and foreign trade were no longer Reserved Matters; the Senate was abolished in favour of a unicameral Legislative Body with members increased from 32 to 40; term of office also increased from 3 to 4 years; the number of ministers also increased from 7 to 8; universal suffrage was admitted and plural voting abolished. A general election was to be held on the 25th, 26th and 27th of October 1947.

Pirotta argues that although the National Assembly had a very difficult task in representing all shades of opinion, as well as it could have perhaps achieved more from the British, nevertheless, it contributed greatly in the changing of socio-political scene by the introduction of universal suffrage. However, parts of the press tried to raise doubts as to whether the decisions of the Assembly really reflected the will of the people (especially women's), both directly and indirectly.

The Press and women voters

The influence of the press was great in these times. It was thus, an active participant in the increasing change in mentality, and not least, in the important issues such that of the emancipation of women.

The Maltese woman had traditionally been confined to the home and her family. Women played little part in the social and political life, especially because society was male-dominated. It was common knowledge that a woman's place was at home. However, when the Second World War started, the need was felt that females had to be employed.

"Although the overwhelming majority of those employed by the Civil Government worked with the Department of Education, Medical and Health respectively, a growing number of women filled posts which had traditionally been occupied by men." (Pirotta, p.12)

The need for female labour, thus, was of great help for women to aquire an important economic role, and eventually full political rights.

The Church in Lehen is-Sewwa

As already stated earlier, the Maltese Church, directly and indirectly expressed its opposition to granting the vote for women. This could clearly be seen in its newspaper Lehen is-Sewwa, even in the weeks preceding election days, when it was known that women would vote for the first time. For example, an article, in the front page, dated 6th August 1947, reported what Cardinal Griffin said at a Conference in London on 'The restoration of the Catholic family in the Nation's life'. He emphasised that childrearing was a privilege for mothers and that these should not allow this privilege to be taken away from them. He also referred to women in the workplace and clearly suggested that the most important job of women is at home, caring for husband and children. This mirrors the same arguments which members of the clergy were giving for the Maltese women, that women's place is at home.

An interesting article in Lehen is-Sewwa was that regarding the polling stations published on the 4th of October, again in the front page. The article said that now that the polling stations have been published, one could note that in more than one locality there was more than one polling station,
"Thus, since we have received suggestions asking if women could go to vote in places allocated for them, we are putting forward to the authorities concerned, this suggestion that, in each locality and district there would be a polling station for men and one for women."

This seems to be due to the fact that many women might find it difficult to stand in queues with men. They also suggested that if this was not possible, there could easily be two queues, so that, there would not be no inconvenience which would deter women from voting. The article continued with an open rejection of the women's vote because in the "local circumstances it is not needed", and "because women did not strive for it." However, it concluded that now that they have got such obligation, "we think that it is our duty to do our best so that everyone - even women - goes to vote.1

Stricklands' Newspapers

The Times of Malta, the Sunday Times of Malta and Il-Berqa showed a D.A.P. bias throughout the election campaign. This was especially evident in Il-Berqa, where it attacked the P.N.'s leader, claiming that he was too obsessed with the Italian language.

In the Times of Malta, during September women's vote was only referred to in reports about the electoral campaign, especially reports of the M.L.P. meetings. Later in September and, in October, there was some correspondence, all written by women. Three letters were written in September (one of which by Miss Helen Buhagiar), and one in October. All these letters showed clearly that the women who wrote them understood that their newly acquired right was important, and should be used well. In fact, in her letter, 'A woman of Malta', from Sliema wrote that,
"...It is common knowledge that the old fashioned and obsolete laws of the Island favour men at the expense of women.... we command half the votes in the Island, and the party that turns its back on women and remains silent on their future, is deemed to lose the elections." (23rd September 1947)

Again, in Il-Berqa there were a number of letters, all written by women, during the months of September and October. A total of six letters were written, five of which praise the work of Miss Helen Buhagiar, and appeal to vote for her, both for her work in favour of the vote for women, as well as, as a candidate of D.A.P.. Reference to women was also made in a report on the M.L.P. meeting in Bormla where Miss Agatha Barbara made an appeal to women to use their vote well, for better living conditions.

The Dawn

The Dawn was the bi-lingual weekly newspaper issued by the M.L.P.. In The Dawn one can find considerable reference to women voting and the elections, especially when compared with the other newspapers mentioned above. This could be expected since the M.L.P. was on the forefront in extending the franchise. As this move clearly favoured M.L.P., they aimed that most women would use their vote. This is evident in their newspaper.

For example, on 6th August, Miss Agatha Barbara wrote a relatively long article, titled "Sejha lin-nisa" (A call for women). Here, she tried to justify the fact that women have been given the vote by arguing that since women were capable to help Malta in the war, they are also capable to help it in times of peace. A major contribution is that women should take interest in the management of the country, together with men. She warns that, "...do not let some people deceive you.... women of Malta wake up and show that you can take responsibility as many other women in other countries."

This implies that there may have been a certain amount of apathy amongst women. However, one could not exactly tell the degree of such apathy since even in The Dawn itself some articles and reports do not give a picture clear enough.

Another relatively long article, written this time by Liza Buhagiar and published on the 27th of August, was titled "Nisa Maltin naghmlu dmirna: Jedd ta' cittadinanza u dmir x'naqdu." (Maltese women let's do our duty: right of citizenship and obligation to fulfill). She argued that it would have been a shame if Maltese women were not given the right to vote, at a time when in most civilised countries women already have the vote. She blamed it on some men, who they themselves, not long before, where not entitled to vote. She criticised those women who did not appreciate this right, and praised the members of the Labour Front who had strong arguments against the enemies of anything progressive. She also mentioned working mothers, who not all of them go to find a job for pleasure but because it is necessary since they have no one to depend on. She encouraged women to go and vote, but asked, "...why do we have to see it as a difficult task to go for ONCE in a number of years to vote, and to encourage our friends to do like us? Is there fear or danger if we go at the polling station and write a number near candidates of the Party which we would like to govern?"

This again suggests that apart from apathy, there is also some reluctance, even fear, from the part of some women to cast their vote.

Two interesting reports in The Dawn were those published in the issue of 8th October, on the front page. The first deals with corner meetings: "The most significant aspect of the present political campaign are the large crowds which attend public meetings organised for the weekday evenings away from the main centre of town or village. Whereas at the so-called "mass meetings" very few women are seen, on the other hand these "corner meetings" attract both sexes in almost equal proportion, and have been the means of making our women-folk somewhat conscious of present political development and aware of their responsibilities."

A small notice at the bottom of the page reported that there will be no women commissioners:
"The Labour Party had felt its duty in view of granting of the right to vote to women, to ask the Government to appoint Female Election Commissioners to help women when voting. We regret, however, that the Government would not see fit to accede to this request. The absence of women commissioners, however, should not deter women from voting. The Assistant Commissioners will help them, whether they are literate or illiterate, to cast their vote as they desire, with courtesy and understanding."

Women and the General Elections of 1947

Background to the elections

Hard social and economic conditions were present on the eve of the 1947 General Elections. These included: high cost of living, decline in standard of living, high unemployment, emigration was stagnant
reconstruction was slow. The main issues in the election were the introduction of social services and direct taxation, amongst others.

The Contesting Parties

The Constitutional Party did not contest since it had been dissolved. The P.N., due to the determination of Mizzi, contested the election anyway, even though many expected it not to. The M.L.P., backed by the G.W.U. had a good chance to win the election. The D.A.P. projected itself as a moderate party. Its leader was Profs. Hyzler. Two other parties were the Jones Party, led by Henry Jones, and the Gozo Party, led by Dr. F. Masini.

It seemed that the two main parties were the M.L.P. and D.A.P.. The two parties also put forward the only two women candidates who contested the elections. Miss Agatha Barbara contested for M.L.P. and Miss Helen Buhagiar, for D.A.P..
The Electorate

The structure of the electorate was not very easy to define, especially following its extension. In fact, in 1945, 61,203 were eligible to vote. In 1947, 140,705 had the right to vote. Moreover, women, who formed 54.4% of the whole electorate, were voting for the first time. Thus, one could not have a very reliable picture of what was going to be the end result. In fact, Pirotta argues that, "Most Maltese women left politics to the men, and therefore it was very probable that the majority of women would vote according to the way their menfolk did. The various parties were unsure as to women's inclination to vote or otherwise, but the campaign's bread-and-butter issues ensured a strong female participation." (Pirotta, pg. 91)

This confirms the uncertainty evident in the M.L.P.'s newspaper, The Dawn, where many of the writers were aware of the particular situation and thus made numerous strong appeals targeting women.

The Response of Women

Polling for the 40 seats in the Legislative Assembly took place on Saturday 25th, Sunday 26th, and Monday 27th October. M.L.P. won 24 seats, P.N. won 7, D.A.P. won 4, whilst the Gozo Party won 3 seats and Jones Party won only 2 seats.

According to Pirotta, it is probable that one of the factors which helped M.L.P. in winning the election, was the extension of the electorate to include women. Moreover, P.N. had done better than expected, whilst D.A.P. was very disappointed.

The most detailed account of election days where women were given prominence was that published in the Sunday Times of Malta, on 26th October. It was titled "Women vote for the first time." It reported that, "Women who are voting for the first time went for the occasion and in some stations, even outnumbered the men, though in general men were more numerous."

Then, various places were mentioned, such as Valletta, where the most frequented stations were those of Kingsway and Old Mint Street. There were always queues of men and women. In Floriana, it seemed that an equal proportion of men and women were voting. In Paola, Zejtun and Cottonera, women voted in great numbers. In Mosta, there was a record crowd at about 3.30pm. There were two queues of men and women of 50 persons each, which were being continually increased by newcomers. In Gozo, at Victoria polling stations, it was estimated that women were more frequent than men. On the other hand, a general estimate of the difference in numbers between men and women voters was that men had a very slight majority over women. The report is accompanied by a photo showing an early morning queue at Marsa polling station. These were practically all women, perhaps because the queue was for women only. In fact, it is not clear whether there were two different polling stations or queues for men and women. The report in the Sunday Times of Malta seemed to indicate that there were two different queues. Also, in the same issue, on page 9, there was a cartoon (the only one in the newspapers which were analysed dealing with women's vote), depicting men on one side and women on the other, casting their vote in a ballot box. Moreover, a photo in Il-Berqa of Monday 27th, shows men waiting on the left and women on the right of the main entrance of a polling station. Il-Berqa also confirmed that response of women was good and "the majority of women who voted was at least big as that of men." The number of females who voted was greater than that of men, however, this is because the number of females eligible was greater. Thus, the percentage of men who voted was greater when compared to that of women. Nevertheless, the difference is relatively small. Thus, one can say that a considerable number of women who could vote, in fact, did vote.

With regards to the two women who contested, only one succeeded in being elected. Miss Agatha Barbara was elected whilst Helen Buhagiar was not, although she obtained a relatively large amount of votes in her district.

Conclusion

By way of conclusion, there are three main important points which one has to consider regarding women voting for the first time.

First, the vote for women has to be seen within a more general context of what was happening at the time. The issue of the vote for women was, thus, certainly not the most important issue but one amongst other more significant problems including the wish to see responsible government be restored, reconstruction due to damage caused by war, financial problems. Other concerns were Reserved Matters and the Senate.

Secondly, there was no general large-scale movement of women demanding the right to vote, nor was there any fight with the British so that the women would be allowed to vote. It was the Maltese who had to decide themselves, mainly in the National Assembly. For the Maltese it was an important issue, in the sense that it would bring about changes both politically and socially. However, it seemed that for the British it was not such a big problem since most countries already had women voting. Therefore, it was nothing new. Perhaps even if the Maltese did not suggest it in the draft constitution, the British would have recommended it. This is evident in a message from the Colonial Office, published in Il-Berqa on 24th August. Regarding the issue of women voting it argued that it was an issue to be solved locally, and if it was the desire of the Maltese, as expressed in the National Assembly, the British Government found nothing to object.

Finally, although it was not certain whether women would respond, either due to apathy or fear, women were encouraged to vote, especially by those who knew they would have benefited from it. And, a considerable number of women, surprisingly or not, in actual fact, did use their newly acquired right.

Sources

Primary Sources: Newspapers

The Times, The Sunday Times Il-Berqa The Dawn Lehen is-Sewwa for August, September, October 1947

Secondary Sources

PIROTTA, J. 1987. Fortress Colony: The Final Act 1945-1964 (Vol. 1) Malta: Studia Editions.

PIROTTA, J. Prelude to the restoration of responsible government - the National Assembly 1945-1947, in Melita Historica Vol. VII, no.4.

SACCO, R. 1986. L-elezzjonijiet {Generali 1849-1986: Il-hajja politika u kostituzzjonali ta' Malta.
Malta: Klabb Kotba Maltin

Notes:
'quotations are a translation. This is also relevant to other quotations from newspapers in Maltese.

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