Introduction

In their report of 1524, the eight Hospitaller commissioners who were sent to Malta on the Orders' behalf before they settled in Malta, established Maltese population of 17,000 people. According to Bosio1 (the historian of the Order of St.John), by the end of October 1530, population had increased to 25,000, one-fifth of whom were the newly settled knights and some Rhodians who followed them to Malta. From the above example, one can note that the size of Malta's population is not exactly known since there are discrepancies in the various documents, which illustrate population estimates.

Population during 1530 and 1798 - A demographic viewpoint

The major sources of population estimates are ecclesiastical authorities' and civil authority records, and militia lists, which contain names of men, enrolled in the militia. Ecclesiastical records included baptisms, deaths and marriages, as well as what was known as the status animarum ('the study of souls'). This record included all those living in the parish, with a note as whether the person had attended mass and confession during the year. The taking of the status animarum meant that an accurate count of the people living in the islands could be made. Moreover, it did not include those who fell under the jurisdiction of the Order and the Inquisition. Civil authorities made estimates of the total population in order to regulate grain imports from Sicily, which was free from export taxes. Thus, the Sicilians controlled the quantity of grain coming to Malta depending on the population size. Therefore, there was the need for population counts. In 1590, the estimate population was 30,000, including the Order.

With these documents, population growth could be traced from 1590 to the early 19th century. Population figures between the Order's arrival and 1590 are more difficult to establish. For example, the depopulation of Gozo in 1551 after an attack by the Turks carried away nearly the whole population of that island. This led to an influx of both Maltese and foreigners there, as well as a movement of Gozitans, who survived, and preferred the relative safety of Malta. Moreover, it is also difficult to establish the extent of the impact on the population of the siege of 1565, as cost in terms of lives is not known exactly. Contemporary writers estimated that about 7,000 Maltese were killed, but the figure may be too high. By 1567, registers were kept normally, and in most villages, the number of baptisms did not differ significantly from those of the years before the siege. Thus, Blouet concludes that the siege did not result in many deaths that "fundamentally altered the structure of the local population." Moreover, the influx of immigrants from Sicily to help in the building of the new fortifications of Valletta makes it difficult to establish a true population size. Notwithstanding this C. Cassar2 argues that "the Turkish siege of Malta of 1565 brought a radical change to life in Malta and for most people it marked the end of an old era and the beginning of widening horizons."

The period between 1530 and 1798 was characterised by a slow but steady increase in population. Fluctuations in population growth were largely due to Muslim attacks and emigration due to fear of such attacks, plague and occasional famine. Malta's food resources could hardly be expected to meet the pressures of its slow but steady population increase, especially when it experienced crop failure. This could be reflected in the famine of 1591. Many people, especially poor, died of hunger and several others sought refuge abroad. The situation got worse with the plague a year later, which carried away more than 9% of the total population. After this, population increased steadily in the early decades of the 17th century. In January 1614, population was estimated to approximately 41,000 excluding members of the Order. In August 1617, it was approximately 44,000. Another heavy blow on population came in 1676, again due to the plague. The estimated death toll was between 8,000 and 11,300 people. However, by the beginning of the 18th century, population increased to 60,000, whilst by mid-18th century, it was 80,000. By the time the Order was expelled from Malta, the total number of people residing in Malta (i.e. including the Order) had reached approximately 100,000.

Not all the areas within the islands had the same growth rate. The major contrast in population growth rates within Malta was between the rural areas and the harbour towns. Villages associated with the new parishes, created in the 16th and 17th centuries, grew slowly and many smaller hamlets were deserted. On the other hand, there was a drastic increase in population in Senglea, Bormla and Valletta between 1590 and 1797, whereas, in Birgu, there was little room for growth. By 1797, 38% of the total population lived around the harbour.

According to Blouet, three important features characterised the development of the settlement pattern between 1530 and 1798. First, there was a continued reluctance to occupy the coasts and northern part of Malta. No sizeable settlement in places like Marsascala, St. Paul's Bay or Mellieha Bay since people were still afraid to live in such areas. Secondly, large well established rural settlements like Qormi, Birkirkara, Zebbug and Zejtun grew in size, at the expense of smaller villages. With the exception of Paola, no new villages were created during the Order's rule, but a number of existing ones became independent parishes between 1575 and mid-17th century. Moreover, smaller villages and hamlets lost population and became deserted places, like Hal Millieri. These seem to have suffered from competition with larger villages. These absorbed people from smaller villages since they had a richer religious and social life. Thirdly, there was an increase in importance of the Grand Harbour area as the focus of the whole system of settlement. In fact, the establishment of a group of new towns around the Grand Harbour and Marsamxett resulted in another great change in settlement patterns.

Once the Order moved into Valletta, the expansion of the town was very rapid. The need for security was important after the plight suffered by Birgu and Senglea in the siege of 1565. Moreover, many persons, who made their living in the service of the Order, found it convenient to live close to their employers. Socially, there was a desire to live in the new capital especially since the collachio was omitted. This put a lot of pressure on Valletta and a larger area than planned was built up. By 1590, there were over 3,000 Maltese living in the city. This led to the development of a number of slum housing areas. In 1666, this led to the prohibition of people from the countryside to go and live within Valletta and the Three Cities. The plague of 1676 hit badly the population of these two areas.

The rapid growth of Valletta in the end of the 16th century had an opposite effect on the surrounding towns. The Three Cities were temporarily depressed, but with the revival of the island's economy and the increase in population, all urban areas around the harbours began to grow. In contrast to the urban growth, which took place around the harbours, the older, inland urban centres failed to prosper. For example, the rise of Valletta led to a decline in status and population of Mdina.

By the end of the 18th century, the Maltese islands had become transformed from an agriculturally oriented community dispersed in tiny hamlets, into a population far greater in number, situated in urban and rural centres, and engaged in a wide variety of enterprises. An important forces of change, apart from the profits of trade and income derived from the corso (organised piracy), was the flow of Order's revenue into the island. In fact, even at the end of the 18th century, when the Order's fortunes were on the decline, it was still the most important agent in the economy of the island. The Maltese not only benefited from military protection but also from material well being. This could only be sustained with the Order's finances. In this respect, Louis de Boisgelin3 argues that "Malta had become too populous to be supported by its commerce, unassisted by the riches of the Order."

The social Aspect

There was visible improvement in the standard of living when one considers several accounts of foreign travellers to the island. For example, P. Tolstoy and G. Capello who visited Malta in late 17th century and 18th century respectively, indicate that there was a general sense of prosperity. However, the majority of the population often suffered poverty, especially those who lived in the countryside.

Diet remained much the same over the centuries, particularly for the lower classes. Bread was the staple commodity and remained so at least until the early 20th century. Society was heavily dependent on agricultural produce and there was always fear of famine. Depopulation due to premature deaths was the result of malnutrition and diseases, like small pox. The Order's presence in Malta brought about an improvement in the existing medical services. However, the sanitary conditions were much below standards. In particular, an adequate supply of water was a major concern. Restrictions on the use of water indicate that people in general had to do with fairly low standards of hygiene. In such conditions, diseases easily spread, claiming numerous victims, including a large number of infants each year.

The communication system did not help to improve the increase in difference between the Harbour area and the countryside, as the conditions of the roads were very bad. The only means of transport consisted of travelling by mule, donkey or cart. Until the end of the 18th century, the streets of Valletta were the only ones which could be considered decently paved. The urbanisation process created by the presence of the Order, according to Cassar, divided Maltese society into two distinct sections. On one hand, the countryside with its easy-going attitude to life, and the harbour area which had developed in a centre of commercial life. The increased activity in this area attracted many people there, in search for a better future, causing an exodus from the countryside. In the Harbour area, Maltese males were likely to be engaged with the Order's navy or privately owned merchant shipping, as well as piracy.

Marriage and kinship patterns reflect a typical society, which is based on an agrarian economy. The life of the family was open to scrutiny from outsiders.

The family was only one of the many networks of relations on which people relied to make a life for themselves. Status animation records of the 17th and 18th centuries reveal that girls often married in their early teens. If a family was broken by the death of one of the spouses, the common solution was remarriage. Men tended to remarry more often than women. The family structure was male-dominated, whilst the women's role was essentially domestic, as wives and mothers. This tendency helped to establish the idea that women were inferior and thus subjected to men.

Conclusion

By the time the Order was expelled, the population had drastically increased, new towns and villages had grown up, older settlements had developed in size and prosperity. However, more significantly, the whole quality of life in the islands was altered. Bonnici4 argues that "the Order had placed Malta and the Maltese firmly on the map of Europe" and it no longer remained isolated from the main current developments in the Mediterranean.

Bibliography:

Blouet, B. (1967) The Story of Malta, Malta: Progress Press Co. Ltd.

Mallia Milanes, V. (1992) Venice and Hospitaller Malta 1530-1798: Aspects of a Relationship, Malta: PEG

Mallia Milanes, V. (1993) ed. Hospitaller Malta 1530-1798 Malta: Mireva Publications Ltd.

Footnotes

1 as mentioned in V. Mallia Milanes (1992)

2 as quoted in Popular Perceptions and Values in Hospitaller Malta in V. Mallia Milanes (1993)

3 as quoted in Blouet (1967)

4 as quoted in Maltese Society under the Hospitals in the light of the Inquisition documents in V. Mallia Milanes (1993)

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