Braudel argues, that a Mediterranean native could travel from port to port, and would feel quite at home in any part of the region, but would feel homesick and uneasy when leaving its shores. To analyse the history of the Maltese community in Tripoli, one should consider a psychological dimension which is generally known as intergroup behaviour. However, there are other important factors to consider, such as the geographical and historical contexts. Tripoli is a coastal oasis on the southern shore of the Mediterranean, just a few hundreds of kilometers away from Malta, which before the discovery of petroleum used to depend on agriculture and fishing as its main economic modes. Under the protection of powerful occupiers: the Knights and eventually the British, in view of the surrounding world, the Maltese could look ahead with greater confidence, in a more outgoing, secure manner. Tripoli was also, until 1911, the provincial capital of the Ottoman Empire. In the earlier part of the ninteenth century, when the Maltese started emigrating to Tripoli, this Empire was fastly declining. However, it would be also fair to point out, as Attard remarks, that the Maltese entrapreneur began to approach the shores of North Africa as traders, when previously most Maltese had entered those areas as slaves captured by pirates. My main sources on this matter are the book by Romeo Cini, La Nostra Storia and an interview of Carmelo Cassar of Fgura, by Profs Henri Frendo in 1990 (see Appendix). These two sources lend themselves to compare and contrast. Cinis book is a romanticised version of the story of these heroes . It is full of sentiment, particularly patriotism and nation pride, implying that to him this Tripolitanian experience possesses a deeper significance for him than mere economic necessity. His roots in Tripoli, established by five consecutive generations, seem to be more profound. However, of the same intensity is his love for his fatherland, as shown by his speaking of Maltese, preserved after so many years. This may confirm the importance of the element of personality variable together with the enviromental variable in conditioning the social behavior of a group or person. On the other hand, Cassars view of matters is less romanticised and more economically minded, which - I think - means that his roots were no deeper than his economic necessities. To picture a cross section of the Maltese community in Tripoli, I will quote an experience written by Mario Vella in his book Reflections in a Canvas Bag: I remember distinctly (I must have been ten or eleven [...]) being taken by my grandfather to visit some friends of his. On being told that I was an avid reader, they showed me their modest library. I had read or was uninterested in most of the little they had, (I recollect some Salagari, bound volumes of fotoromanzi and loose back numbers of Il Monello) but my eyes fell on a handsome leather bound tome. It was, to my great disappointment, in Latin. [...] It was a commentary on the Summa Contra Gentiles [Aquinas] for the clergy. But what struck me most of all was the hand written dedication on the inner cover: "Al giovane Padre G. Che lo possa assistere nella Sua opera missionaria in terra dAfrica per liberarla dal dominio della menzogna seracina. Per Dio e per lItalia. Napoli, [...],1912. F.P." One may notice, the various implications brought about by this experience regarding our analysis of the experience of the Maltese community. Such dimensions include the social life, education, culture, and religion with its various ramifications. One could, at this point tackle these various factors, in the light of the context of our two main sources. In the first decades of the 1800s, some Maltese pioneers left the island venturing to Tripoli of Barbary, as it was then known. They were mainly merchants, who covered vast territories, following caravans on horseback or sailing to export to Malta purebred horses, utensils and provisions as well as importing from Malta seeds and other goods. This saw the foundation of a community very well respected by the Turkish authorities for their energetic enterprising spirit combined with the aim of co-existing in peaceful harmony. Carmelo Cassar confirms these economic origins and mentions two motivations - one to make business - taking merchandise from Tripoli, across the Libyan desert, to Sudan and back, bringing other merchandise with them. The other regarded immigrants who went there to seek their fortune, to find work , exploiting the still virgin Libya, because of the economic depression in Malta. After the first world war, many saw emigration as the only alternative as "nellarsenale ce stato un licenziamento grande per mancanza di lavoro, quindi e venuto li a Tripoli per lavorare e con laiuto di mio padre ha trovato lavoro nella Societa Elettrica." This statement gives a clear picture of what I think is the typical immigrants situation. In Tripoli many Maltese would find some members of his (extended) family already established there, so the difference between Malta and Tripoli would be minimized. Cini comments that, amongst the Europeans, the largest group was that of the Maltese. They joined other Italian, Greek and Spanish and some stateless Armenians. In the ninteenth century, other Maltese settled along the Libyan coastal strip - along the Gulf of Sirte and in Cyrenaica. They formed small communities which were always united with that in Tripoli, whom they saw as a point of reference. According to the statistics provided by J. Cassar Pullicino, the population of the Maltese community rose from (in round figures), 1000 members in 1842 to 3000 in 1880 . Attard argues that the Italians did not like the presence of the Maltese because they feared British influence. Thus it is probable that the number of Maltese in Tripolitania and Cyrenaica never rose to more than 3000. On the other hand, Carmelo Cassar, argues that the Maltese community, between 1900-1925/30 numbered around 6000 people, however he says that fewer and fewer Maltese chose Tripoli as their home: "We were all Maltese born, in the greater part, in Tripoli". Both Cini and Cassar, mention the links that existed between Malta and Tripoli - by means of sailing ship service and postal services. However although many Tripolitanian Maltese such as Carmelo Cassar, often visited Malta, others like Cini did not have this opportunity instead conserving their myticized idea of their patria. This confirms the importance of the different points of view of members of a community which did not develop totally independent from its Maltese home. The majority of the Maltese lived in the city(Citta Vecchia), protected by a high wall known as the Cittadella. Other families lived in a quarter situated on a height called Dahra (Dahra el Kebira, Dahra el Sghira). The old quarter, situated near the sea and the marketplace, faced the Church of Santa Maria degli Angeli, that was constructed from stone imported from Malta, and built by Maltese workers. Thus this church was also known as the church of the Maltese. Cini states that at that time, in Tripoli, there were no more than 3000 Christians, many of whom Maltese. The social life of the Maltese was, apparently, well organized and Cini says that the only clubs existing in the heart of the European population were Maltese ones, whose main identifying characteristic was the dancing of the Quadriglia. In the late ninteenth century they even succeeded in bringing over full orchestras and highly rated singers from Malta. However the two main events organized by the Maltese were the Vitoria, on the 8th of September (National feast) and the Carnival. The Vitoria, considered as a social reunion, was a yearly occurrence celebrated in a singular way. The organisation of the greasy pole, attracted the attention of all the population. This competition was known as the Maltese Giostra or Kukkanja. The major prize would be the Maltese flag at the top. However, they used the old Maltese flag - with the cross of the Knights. Taken at face value, this may seem an ordinary thing, however, one may interpret this as their myth of a heroic Malta - perhaps the victorious island after the Great Siege of 1565. In fact, Cini remarks that, for a period of time, the Giostra was transferred along the old road of the bastions, where there is a mosque dedicated to Dragut "one of the greatest enemies of Malta". The carnival was another great source of entertainment organized by the Maltese. The cheerful atmosphere was well accepted by the cosmopolitan population. After the war, these activities became symbols of life coming back to normality: "the grand and beautiful carnival parades, which always finished with the big ball, started to be organized again." Other social events were sporting activities and the playing of tombola. Many Maltese played various musical instruments such as the guitar, the flute and the mandolina. However, there was no organization of baned, the Banda ta Ndri as mentioned by Cassar was only a small orchestra playing during marriage ceremonies. The cafes and bars of the Nappa brothers, were made famous by their ability in playing such musical instuments. After the war the Malta House became the centre of Maltese social life, as well as political organisation of the Maltese community. The maltese community is portrayed by my sources as open to mingling with other, especially common religion, communities. Carmelo, defines the Maltese, the Italians and the Greeks as one community: "we were all friends, we knew each other..." When asked about his playmates, as a child, Cassar answered that they played most with the Italians. The Maltese found this interaction, especially with the Italians, relatively easy, because of the influence Italian language and culture had on Maltese society. This might be one of two factors, either Maltese colonial identity, or else their cosmopolitan nature which, generally, helps them to adapt to different enviroments. Another social bondage factor was religion. Cassar states that there were minimal differences in the social condition of the Maltese, from that of the Italians and the Greeks: "...We were all in the same category, except for the rich ones who led a better life, however, the rest all lived in the same conditions, old houses, two or three families staying in one house..." However, Cassar clearly distinguishes the social status of the Greeks from that of the Italians. The Greeks were mainly fishermen, while the Italians occupied the top, entepreneurial posts. I think, that the Maltese, mainly identified themselves with, the ruling class - the Italians, with the exception of some odious fascists, as Cassar explains. Nevertheless other Maltese who were employees rather than employers, fishermen rather than investors, must have identified themselves with the Greeks and minority classes. This could be seen clearly during the war, when the Maltese, in the concentration camps, used to help the poor slavs and the Jews. The Maltese were on good terms with the local population (mutual respectability), although they were also seen as the main source of labour Catholic education in Tripoli was under the responsibility of the Freres of the De LaSalle Order. Until 1911, when the Italian occupied Libya, the medium of education was French. However, after this date, as Cassar confirms, scholastic teaching was in Italian reflecting an Italian type of education. These schools were known as Scuole del Vicariato Appostolico dei Fratelli Cristiani - the Italian branch of the LaSalle Order. Later, with the influence of Italian families, State schools were founded. In the post-war period, British education took over, however, the Catholic schools remaine open. One important aspect to observe is education for girls. This was offered to them by the Suore Giuseppine. A relative of Carmelo was described as cultured - a well-educated woman - unusual for those days, especially in a North African country. Thus, education, seems to have been an important aspect in determining the social status of a person. Another important apect is informal education. Carmelo Casser mentions another relative , Felice Cassaar, who, although never went to school, was a self-thought chemist, fluent in six or seven languages. Although this might be a little exaggerated, reality seems to have been a relatively cultured society, as is also portrayed by Mario Vella, when mentioning their modest library in the quote above. Two points of view differ on the importance allocated to economic factors by migrating Maltese. In the inter-war period, many Maltese migrated because there was no work offered in the Maltese fortress economy. To a certain extent the instinct for a place called home, weakened in front in the struggle for survival. I do not think that there was anything so dramatic, however, one may consider the importance of these factors. Cini seems to suggest that the Maltese, first ventured to Tripoli, and then "found good scope to develop their commercial activities." In fact the Maltese never involved themselves in political issues and rarely took a political stand when they were not directly involved. They only seeked to maintain good relations with their neighbours and with the rulers and sought peace and harmony as much as they could. In the conflict between the Arabs and the Italians in 1911, and in the post war period in the insurrection of the Arabs against the Jews, they maintained neutrality. I think that this forbidded them from establishing deep roots in the country in which they settled, confirming the economic basis of their settlement. This argument cannot be extended to their settlement in Australia for example, where the Maltese are more politically involved. The economic history of the Maltese community in Tripoli is full of opportunism, successes, spirit of enterprise and arte darrangiarsi for which the Southern Europeans are famous. The Maltese were mainly merchants, contractors, shopkeepers, builders, bakers, fishermen, bricklayers, carpenters. There were various employers with entrapreneurial ability and with the faculty to invest, such as the uncle of Carmelo, Riccardo Cassar, who invested in a mill and built a large block of buildings Fonduco Cassar. The Maltese were indulged in commercial activities, especially during the economic boom created by investments, first by the Italians, in their bid to colonize Libya and then by the Americans, in the post war period. Various Maltese surnames became synonymous with different activities. Cini mentions, for example Carabot and Aquilina (ironmongers), Ghirlando (shipping agency), Taliana and Salinos (building industry), Cassar (tile industry), among others. Cassars father, seeing the decline in working opportunities, decided to create a machine to press olives to obtain oil: "industrializza ruhu" For this typical arte darrangiarsi ability, the market was very important. It was the place where to earn some money by selling ones products. Carmelo gives a detailed description of the technique of making oil and how the different members of society, bought this culinary necessity, according to their financial means. In the Maltese parochial structure, religion was at the heart of Maltese life just as the church was physically in the centre of the village. To a certain extent, one can find this structure repeated in Tripoli, with the Santa Maria degli Angeli, the centre of community life. However, one may argue that religion was more important, for these immigrants, serving as a factor of social bondage, rather than as an end in itself. In the post war period, Padre Goffredo, is also an all round leader: he reorganized the Catholic Association that became extreemly active. In the bosom of this association, several sporting activities and the Catholic Explorers were born. In the sermon of Good Friday, by Maltese Franciscans, all the Maltese attended, even the most sceptic. This suggests that this was more of a social event (with nostalgic shades) rather than a spiritual exercise. If confirmed, this would mean that the Maltese venture in Libya is no heroic, missionary mission, as a Neapolitan, fervent Catholic would believe (refer to M.Vellas quotation), showing that the Maltese had other intention which they rated above the differences in religion. Another important factor to consider is patriotism and national identity. One can feel this sentiment more in Cini than in Cassar. Cini pictures the Maltese community as an integral part of the city, yet distinguishing itself from the unfailing patriotism which was faithfully transmitted from generation to generation. "Maltese language was jealously preserved in our homes with marked national pride: tied to Malta by sentimental bonds of iron." Cini relates that when in 1949, he visited Malta for the first time, "we cried at the salutation of Fort St Angelo, whose history we knew." In an article published in the Sunday Times, Dr George M. Boffa, expresses himself in a similar, romanticized language: "The book La Nostra Storia [Cinis] is also, in a patriotic sense, my story because it touches the heart of every Maltese. It is the story of all those who were born Maltese and who never forget this fact. [...] What Romeo[Cini] did not know was that I too had tears in my eyes when I first read the manuscript. Romeo describes a range of episodes and emotions..." How far can it be argued that their patriotism was based on a mythicised Malta, a fossilized idea (use of the Knights cross), two hundred years old. This would be contradicted by the constant influx of new members for three fourths of the Maltese stay in Tripoli, bringing with them new concepts of the patria. People like Carmelo Cassar, with a closer, more real link with Malta seems to give a picture closer to reality : he played more with Italian children... Another dimension in this debate is the Maltese colonial identity - shades of British patriotism - failing to renounce British citizenship and adhere to the Fascist Party, even if the Maltese suffered from discrimination as a consequence. This vision of the mother of the commonwealth was destroyed when the British showed absolute insensibilty to the Maltese request for compensation in the post war period. The Maltese identity can be generally described as typical of the Mediterranean region, although this remains a question, one of the many empty pieces in the whole picture.(See some of them in Appendix 2) Today , the Maltese Tripolitanian community is spread in various countries as "we felt like intruders in the country of our birth to which we and our predecessors had dedicated our very existence" .This is a very deep reflection on ones past. But actually, most of the Maltese in Tripoli had no deep roots in that North African country. This is the story of a community which had to move four times - from Malta to Tripoli, from Tripoli to Italy (war), back to Tripoli and to the various destinations. Romeo Cini and other Maltese decided to settle in Australia. Unfortunately, I have no information about any return for good to Malta. In Australia, after the inevitable cultural shock, the optimistic Romeo started to appreciate the new continent. The difference was that Australia was much more distant from their patria. However, after some years, showing great ability for adaptation, the Maltese started to settle down in a totally new enviroment - on the humanas well as on the physical enviroment level. Still, they identified themselveswith the Tripolitanian community - forming the Tripoli Association of Melbourne and establishing the journal Corriere Tripolino of Melbourne. All this was aimed at sharing the tears and the joys of a community which strives to live on. Cini concludes by suggesting to the new generations to respect traditions. I will also conclude, but with no recomendations. Bibliography Attard, L. Maltese Emigration in Malta: Culture and Identity.(ed H.Frendo and O.Friggieri) Boffa,G.M. Forgotten Heroes, in The Sunday Times, February 27, 1994 Cassar,Carmel, Everyday life in Malta in Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries in British Colonial Experience(ed. V.Mallia-Milanes), Mireva Academic Publications, 1988 Cassar Carmelo, Interview. Fgura, 1990 - see Appendix Cini, Romeo La Nostra Storia, 1992 Frendo, H. Maltese Identity in Malta: Culture and Identity.(ed. H.Frendo and O.Friggieri) Frendo, H. Maltese Colonial Identity in British Colonial Experience (ed. V.Mallia-Milanes), Mireva Academic Publications, 1988 Vella, M. Reflections in a Canvas Bag. PEG Ltd, 1989. Appendix 2 Some subjects which I liked to tackle with Dr. Mario Vella, for which I am expecting an answer. This may throw a different light on issues tackled in this assignment: Ethnic origins - why did you (your family) go to Libya Education - how did it influence your upbringing Memories of every day life Social aspect - where did you live, Maltese standard of living The Maltese community relation with other communities Existent opportunities in the country Political Thoughts - what is their relation with ones roots in that country. Patriotism - is it a myth. What is the role of religion in this? Maltese Identity vesus the Mediterrranean Identity. What about the experience of the Maltese who were forced to move? The trip back to Malta. What is the idea of Malta (how does it match reality?). Thoughts on two different cultures Bernard J. Cauchi May 1997 E-mail to:Bernard J. Cauchi